A Little Bit Ritchie Episode 7 Transcript: Building Community
It’s 1945, and veteran's families—even those with babies—are living in tents as they wait for their homes in Ritchie to be completed by the federal company Wartime Housing Limited.1
I’m Lydia Neufeld, and this is A Little Bit Ritchie. To commemorate the Ritchie Community League’s hundredth anniversary, we’ll investigate local history to uncover what makes Ritchie—Ritchie!
Ritchie exists on stolen land. We gather on Treaty 6 Territory and Metis Nation of Alberta Region 4, a travelling route and home to the Nehiyawak, Siksikaitsitapi, Saulteaux, Métis, Stoney Nakoda, Inuit, and other Indigenous peoples. The Ritchie Community League is exploring what the land represents while drawing attention to the harm caused by settlers and colonization.
Our Reconciliation Committee reflects on the Community Leagues’ existence in Ritchie and its relationship to the land. To restructure how we understand the community, we have a favour to ask. The Committee would love to hear your stories about the area, whether you grew up here or you’re a newcomer. Your memories will help support our goal of building an equitable, welcoming community for all. If you’d like to share a memory, please send an email to community-planning@ritchie-league.com.
When the structures of a community are built or rebuilt, they often reflect the ideological focus of the community. However, they may also be the catalyst for transition within a community. In this episode, we look at three community transitions, each shaped by larger ideologies but also the individual needs and desires on a community scale: the Ross Acreage shantytown, Wartime Housing Limited in Ritchie, and the formation of Redeemer Lutheran Church. In each of these examples, a key theme is a movement towards modernization, which so often occurs after periods of upheaval.
In this episode, we collaborated with local popular historian, Dane Ryksen, to share a history of Redeemer Lutheran Church, a unique building that served as a community space in Ritchie throughout its transitions. One version of the history of Ritchie is shared in the buildings that compose the neighbourhood. However, it’s important to note that the stories shared on A Little Bit Ritchie do not reflect every version of the history of our neighbourhood.
Even since its early days, Ritchie has been no stranger to housing crises. Just north of our community, down Mill Creek Ravine's treacherous bank, lay the community of Ross Acreage—one answer to multiple waves of housing insecurity that struck Edmonton throughout the first half of the twentieth century.
The story of Ross Acreage, much like the story of Ritchie, is directly tied to the mythologized history of western Canadian settlement and pioneering. While more urban than the quintessential vision of western pioneers, Ross Acreage’s origins are connected to Edmonton’s pre-WWI migration boom that brought thousands of people to Edmonton. In fact, in 1907, more than 20% of Edmonton's population lived in temporary structures like tents.2 With an influx of people, “the river valley and ravines were dotted with informal communities—clustered shacks and tents that would shift around from year to year.”3
Ross Acreage was one such informal community, a shantytown nestled on the north side of Mill Creek Ravine near meatpacking plants including Vogel’s, Gallagher Hull’s, and Gainers, and other industrial plants like Anderson’s Brick Yard and Twin City Coal Mine.4 Ross Acerage became further established during other critical periods of housing insecurity like the Depression Era.
Settlers in Ross Acerage held no permanent address nor access to city amenities, including water or fire protection services. Tennants paid an average annual payment of $24 to the city.6 The presence of children's toys and school equipment in Dr. Haeden Stewart’s Ross Acreage dig sites suggests that families lived in the community.7
As noted in our fifth episode of A Little Bit Ritchie, Mill Creek, once a lush, fertile landscape, was transformed into a toxic wasteland due to the industry that occupied it in the early 20th century. The residents of Ross Acreage lived among this toxicity under constant exposure to heavy metals, decaying animal parts, and other industrial waste. Stewart notes, "This exposure was so bad that city officials became increasingly concerned over Ross Acreage as a vector for typhoid fever. Residents themselves spent what little cash they had on medicine and hygiene”8
Business in Edmonton slowed between 1920 and 1926, and the city’s population dropped by thousands. Industry evacuated Mill Creek Ravine in the 1920s, but the Ross Acreage community remained behind and faced even more economic hardship as many individuals lost their jobs.10 However, drought in southern Alberta and Saskatchewan drew impoverished rural settlers to urban developments like Edmonton. “Shantytowns like Ross Acreage began to be re-occupied, with newcomers once again settling in the valley that had so recently been industrial.”
In 1930, as those from the rural prairies continued to flock to Ross Acreage, Edmonton’s population shot above the 1914 peak of 72,500 to 77,500 people.1112
Local government became increasingly concerned with the shantytown, as they believed it posed various hazards to public health and safety in addition to the legislative headache it caused.13 Various health officials came to the community to warn the residents about the toxic water from Mill Creek.14 In 1929, Medical Health Officer Dr. T. H. Whitelaw stated, "Such conditions as exist in their area cannot be allowed to continue indefinitely and some remedy must be provided. Under no circumstances should permits be given for any additional buildings on this property [...]. Probably the best final disposition of the property would be to have it reserved for a small park area or sold for market gardens.”15 It was Whitelaw’s opinion that the only immediate and practical remedy to the conditions of Ross Acreage at that period was for the City “to remove or dismantle the majority of these poor dwellings and at the same time provide other quarters for the present occupants who are in the most cases quite unable financially to improve or change their living quarters, [...].”16 Despite these recommendations, the City did not provide alternative housing for the families of Ross Acreage, and shortly after Whitelaw’s report, the community had another influx of residents.
In 1949, Ross Acreage residents petitioned that the city rezone the area to be residential, which would allow them to purchase the land their homes occupied. “However, the city, eager to use its recent prosperity to facilitate massive new infrastructure projects, saw the jumbled expanse of Ross Acreage as a golden opportunity for highway expansion.”20
Later that year, tragedy struck the shantytown. A fire blazed through the community and killed a four-year-old child in its wake. “This death traumatized and galvanized the Ross Acreage community, convinced that access to a city hydrant could have saved the boy. The city, on the other hand, used the death as proof that Ross Acreage was too dangerous to be left alone and needed to be cleared out.”21
Following the incident, “Eviction notices were sent out in June 1950.”22 Structures were bulldozed, and the city “covered the area with a thick layer of sterile sand. In the south, the area was left abandoned, and used as a dumping ground for residents living on top of the ravine ridge. In the north, the city began a massive engineering project, raising up the surface level of the ground to facilitate the building of the new Connor’s Road, a large highway that would connect downtown with the city’s growing suburbs.”22
Perhaps due to the impoverished demographics of its inhabitants, Ross Acreage hardly leaves a mark on the historical records.23 Though the community was active for roughly fifty years, only two maps outline the details of the Shantytown—the first, commissioned by Dr. Whitelaw in 1929, is a rough outline of the shacks in the area.24 The second map was created and commissioned by the City in 1949 prior to the demolition of Ross Acreage.25
The story of Ross Acreage in this episode comes from its significance in marking transitions in housing insecurity throughout the early twentieth century. The community foreshadows the city-wide housing crisis that would mark its later years at the crest of World War II. While Edmonton saw an economic rebound towards the end of the 1930s as WWII began, this economic rebound was connected to another wave of housing insecurity caused by the influx of war workers into the city. This crisis was felt across the city and directly impacted the face and communities of both Ross Acreage and Ritchie.
World War II escalated the housing crisis in growing cities across Canada.26 Residential construction slowed to sustain the production of munitions and other war-supporting industries. Between 1941 and 1944, roughly 286,000 rural residents flocked to cities and spurred a housing crisis across the nation.27 The housing shortage in Canada was especially apparent in regions like Edmonton, where war industries drove up demand for residential dwellings.28 In Edmonton, key industries tied to the war effort included Aircraft Repair Ltd. and meat packing operations.
Additionally, the city was host to individuals employed by the army, air force, and Dominion Civil Service Departments.29 The war’s dependence on Edmonton caused the city to fall victim to a precarious housing situation.30 For example, the Edmonton Journal reported that it was not uncommon for a ten-bedroom one-bathroom house to be home to up to ten families—with one family per room and the entire house sharing the single bathroom.31 Further strain was placed on Edmonton’s housing resources by an additional workforce of Americans engaged in the “building of the Alaska Highway, the telegraph line to Alaska, and many other similar ventures.”32
As an answer to demands for housing across the nation, the Federal Government developed a crown company to assist municipalities.33 Wartime Housing Limited, or WHL for short, was one of the modes in which the Canadian Government intervened in the housing market during World War II.34 Initial plans outlined that WHL would construct residential homes of a specific design within crowded cities.35 Influenced by the increase in labour organizations and popularized notions of socialism, public interest shifted to subsidized housing through WHL—especially housing for veterans.36
The respective city would choose the build sites, WHL would cover the majority of associated costs, and the city would act as a rental agent for the homes.37 The federal government initially allotted $100,000 to WHL for operating costs and a maximum of $1,000,000 for the construction of homes across Canada.38 In its first year of operation, the company built a few thousand rental dwellings designed for veterans or war workers.39
Joe M. Pigott (Pig-it), head of a major Canadian construction company, was recruited by WHL as their president. Pigott aimed to “get the dwellings built with the greatest possible economy, speed and satisfaction to all concerned.”40 WHL houses could not be built in places like Montreal, Ottawa, Toronto, Winnipeg, or Vancouver, as war workers only made up a small fraction of the population in those cities.41
The Calgary Herald reported, “The houses would be built at the lowest possible cost consistent with health safeguards and proper insulation against cold. They would be designed to provide the greatest possible salvage value after the war, and to this end, they would probably be demountable and made of sections bolted together.”42 As per the temporary nature of the dwellings, it was assumed that many of the structures would be demolished post-war unless they were taken over by private interests.
The Federal Government essentially regarded the falling vacancy rates and overcrowding as an indication that sacrifices were being made due to the war.43 The crisis was so bad that returning soldiers often could not find housing in Canada after they came back from the war—either due to scarcity or high cost. Wartime housing was typically built in new areas of cities, which required new sewage and water systems to be installed in addition to sidewalks and streets, which drove up the cost of the project.44
Between 1941 and 1947, WHL constructed 31,192 homes across Canada.45 Catherine Jill Wade writes:
“WHL house designs were plain and practical yet curiously distinctive. Across Canada, the company used the same standard house types for both its two-bedroom and four-bedroom bungalows; later, it added a third two-bedroom type. These basic, simple house plans included a living room, a kitchen with a dining area, bedrooms, a bathroom, and a woodshed. A limited assortment of wall finishes and colour combinations and an occasional reversal of plans provided some variety in exterior appearance.”46
WHL housing across Canada rented at a rate of about $30 per month—equivalent to around $550 today—but the houses, despite improvements, were often small and built without furnaces or basements. Some WHL homes were so poorly built that they did not have a foundation and the plasterboard often hung on by a thread.47 In Ritchie, however, many of these issues were addressed during the mid-war years, before any homes were constructed in the neighbourhood.
In 1942, between January and September, Edmonton experienced such a large influx of migrants that a crisis was declared by Mayor John W. Fry. As the winter approached, city officials became increasingly worried. Though the housing situation was dire in the warmer months, some citizens lived in shacks—or even tents—that were not suitable for Edmonton’s unforgiving winters.48 Mayor Fry encouraged all Edmontonians with the means to do so to rent out their spare rooms to those in need.49 Additionally, the city council noted that families were living in homes that, given normal circumstances, would be condemned.50
The Dominion Government conducted a survey that found only 33 suites or houses available for rent in Edmonton—and of those, 20 were uninhabitable. City council believed that “there were very few large homes left which could be made over into duplex homes or suites.” As an initial answer to the need, the city established the Accommodation Bureau. Edmontonians were asked to call the Bureau if they had extra space in their homes that they would be willing to rent. Officials at the Bureau stated that “the hoarding of housing accommodation is just as harmful to the war effort as the hoarding of food.”51 Conversely, some members of the council cautioned that multi-family homes may create slums.52
Edmonton city officials submitted a housing request to WHL. As one of the leading causes for Edmonton’s housing crisis was an influx of war workers, the city was confident it would be approved.53 However, WHL declined to assist Edmonton.
WHL’s decision was baffling to many, mainly because of the company’s argument that unhoused war workers were not at the centre of Edmonton’s housing struggles. Mayor Fry shared his confusion and frustration while also articulating Edmonton’s position in the nation’s war efforts: “‘I think if any city in Canada can lay claim to doing important war work, it surely is this city. [...] Can it be contended the 1,500 to 1,600 employees of Aircraft Repair Limited are not war workers? The two great factories in which they work were not in existence when war broke out, but were built by the dominion government at a cost of over $1,500,000 for the express purpose of repairing and maintaining aeroplanes operating under the commonwealth air training plan.’”
Fry called attention to how war work was more than only the industries recognized by WHL, “He asked the housing body to consider the packing plants, four large and several smaller ones, [who were] ‘employing hundreds of additional employees engaged in the processing of bacon and meat for both the armed services and the people of Britain.’” Edmonton’s packing plants were more than just supporting local food needs. By the end of 1942, up to 25% of Britain’s bacon “was supplied from within a radius of 100 miles of Edmonton.”54
In the end, WHL reversed its decision and eventually, the agency made considerable contributions to the city’s housing resources. The first set of houses in Edmonton were built on the north side of the river in 1944. As soon as the houses were built, they were filled. As such, the city called upon WHL to build more, with Ritchie, on the south side of the river, receiving the next set of 200 houses.55
Ritchie was chosen because the WHL determined the neighbourhood’s profile would allow the style of the agency’s houses to fit in with the existing architecture in the community.
The community also had sufficient transit amenities to support a population boom and a sufficient number of vacant lots with access to sewer and water systems. So within 1945, the face of Ritchie underwent a massive change.
The initial agreement between WHL and the city of Edmonton stated that the city would sell empty lots to the agency for $1, and the lots would then become the sites of WHL houses, with the company absorbing the building costs. The houses were built with a frame construction on solid concrete foundations and were to include “central heaters, hot water tanks, bathtubs, washbasins, sinks, toilets, light fixtures and blinds.” Interestingly, in agreements signed between WHL and its partner cities, including Edmonton, the company did not have to follow local construction bylaws.56 This led to some significant issues during construction.57
The agreement also stated that after the homes were finished, the Federal government would own the house. For the following 10 to 12 years, the city was to rent the houses to tenants fitting specific criteria—in the case of the Ritchie homes, tenants were to be war veterans or their families. After 10 to 12 years the city would be given ownership of the homes and would be able to sell each home for about $1000, with the idea being that the tenants would become the homeowners.58
The understanding was that 400 homes were to be built in Ritchie, with 200 being built immediately and the remaining half constructed within 6 months or less.59 This agreement meant that Ritchie grew with a massive influx of new structures and residents at an alarming rate.
The location of these 400 homes were to be concentrated in the blocks bounded to the North by 81st Avenue, on the West by 99th Street, on the South by 76th Avenue, and on the East by 96th Street.60 This section of the neighbourhood surrounds the Ritchie Community Hall, which was the league headquarters since 1923. Additionally, some houses were to be built on lots that had belonged to an iconic Ritchie entity—Gainers.
The City negotiated with Gainers Meatpacking Plant to secure lands on the eastern edge of the neighbourhood.61 This close proximity to a packing plant did lead to some concerns from city council committees.62 The Ways and Means Committee on ‘Housing’ expressed a belief houses should not “be built in the near vicinity of any packing plant, because of disturbing noises and objectionable odours, which, at times, emanate from packing plants.”63 To counter this idea, the WHL and the Ritchie Community League insisted that odours coming from the plant would not be an issue and the mayor stated that a veil of trees would be installed between the homes and the slaughterhouse.64
With the agreements and location settled, construction on the first set of 200 houses was to begin “as soon as the frost [was] out of the ground.” It was expected that the dwellings would be move-in-ready by the following summer.65 Though slightly behind schedule, work on Ritchie’s initial WHL homes began in May of 1945.66
The construction process was fraught with tensions. A slow decision-making process and opinions from a variety of different public organizations weighing in on WHL’s actions, contributed to the slow pace.
To ensure the housing could be permanent but still low-cost, homes were built with minimal amenities. Insulation in the floors, full-length chimneys, and basements were sacrificed to fit the rent budgets of military personnel.67 These omissions became a key point of contention in the spring and summer of 1945.
The Ritchie Community League became a vocal proponent for basements in the neighbourhood. The League insisted that “sub-standard qualities would create a potential slum district”68 The League submitted a request to the city council and Wartime Housing Headquarters that any homes built in Ritchie were to have basements and were to be built to a similar standard of existing homes in the neighbourhood so as not to lower the value of the homes already there.69
The Edmonton Trades and Labour Council also appealed the lack of basements in WHL homes.70 After the first hundred homes were built in Ritchie, city solicitor T.E. Garside sent a message to WHL insisting that the next set of houses needed to be built with proper chimneys and basements as per city bylaws.71 However, WHL rejected this request and stated that all members of the armed forces across Canada “must have the same treatment.”72 They insisted that their current building strategies were implemented with cost considerations and limitations due to the shortages caused by war conditions.
Edmonton had agreed to waive local building bylaws to fulfill housing needs. One such bylaw was the City’s longstanding denial of bracketed chimneys.73 This decision was clearly not supported by all local parties involved with building the homes. After being contracted to complete chimney construction on the WHL homes, the local Bricklayers Union stopped work and refused to install bracket chimneys. With the work stoppage, ten partially completed homes sat empty in anticipation of chimneys.74
Alderman Sidney Parsons, President of the Trades and Labour Council, supported the union’s decision. Even before construction started, Parsons had shared the Union’s hesitations with Council, outlining that “they would not build part-length flues supported on brackets, [a format] out-moded 25 years ago and against city bylaws.” Parsons had estimated that only $170 per house would be required to build homes with full chimneys and basements. Parsons asked, “‘Why [spoil] the whole area for such a sum? I cannot understand why the federal government cannot produce good houses as easily as bad.”75
On the other side of the issue was the local Legion. W.J. Williams, secretary and manager of Edmonton’s Canadian Legion, recognized that families were waiting to move into the homes that were sitting unfinished because of the bricklayers' strike. The Legion had been called upon to temporarily house veterans and their families in tents.
However, the Legion was frustrated with this arrangement. “One family applying [to live in the tents] has seven children and another five. Tents are not fit places for them,’ Williams said.76
“One woman with two children, one of them nine months old, [then] living in one of the tents erected in the flats, and whose husband is overseas, declared ‘He’d be pretty mad if he knew I was living in a tent.’”77
In June, the Bricklayers Union returned to work on the first 100 houses but refused to build bracketed chimneys for an additional 300 homes.78
With the Bricklayers back at work, families began to move into the first set of Wartime Housing Limited homes during the summer of 1945. The Ritchie Community League encouraged their new residents to get involved in community elections in the fall of that year.79 While no WHL homes in Ritchie were built with basements, the fight was not a complete loss because by August of 1945, the pro-basement campaigns had resulted in the building of homes that could be easily retrofitted with basements.80
In July of 1946, Ritchie had 250 Wartime Houses and, as a result, experienced a massive population boom within a single year.81 Subsequently, in the fall of 1946, seven hundred WHL houses had been built across Edmonton, and the city was again placing a request for 250 more.82 WHL houses in Ritchie continued to be built well into 1947.83
Today, you can still find many examples of WHL homes in the neighbourhood. Even though the initial purpose of the agency was to build temporary homes, the houses were made to last. Though minimal by design, WHL was hugely successful, and in 1947, Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation absorbed WHL and encouraged the tenants to purchase the units.84 By 1948, Ritchie was a community composed almost entirely of veteran families. The Edmonton Journal stated, “These men and women have learned what team spirit can do, and many are carrying this same spirit into the community.”85
Ritchie’s WHL housing is a story of massive inbuilding and structural change in the neighbourhood. It is also a history of the processes of community redefinition.
Looking for a way to show off your civic pride while supporting the Ritchie Community League? Look no further than the Ritchie Crew Subscription Service—an innovative way to display your community pride and donate monthly to the league's important programs. For as low as $7/month, you’ll receive a thank you package full of RCL swag, an annual League Membership for Ritchie dwellers, and a Ritchie Discount card, to be used at your favourite local businesses like Long Roof Brewing, Fox Runner Tattoo, Under the High Wheel, and many more. Whether it’s the craft beer of the month membership, the quarterly Coffee tasting package, or an exclusive culinary experience at Biera, there’s a tier to suit everyone! Check it out at www.ritchie-league.com for all the details.
Redeemer Lutheran Church has its own story that was shaped by the personalities of individuals and communities throughout its tenure in Ritchie. This section of A Little Bit Ritchie is produced in collaboration with local historian Dane Ryksen. Dane wrote and researched the following passage about Redeemer Lutheran Church.
—————————————————————————————————————
Redeemer Lutheran speaks to many facets of the area’s development, particularly its humble beginnings, pioneer origins, and mid-century growth.
In many ways, Mrs. Louise Sievers can be considered the parish progenitor. Born to Central European immigrants, she came to the Edmonton-area at the age of four. Her family, the Dregers, “travelled by ox cart… from Minneapolis, Minnesota, through Manitoba and Saskatchewan, to homestead briefly near Stoney Plain.”86 They eventually settled near Strathcona,87 and, in 1892, moved to Edmonton’s Ross Flats.
Although raised a staunch Baptist, Louise married a Lutheran, the Danish immigrant Claude Sievers, and seems to have converted to his faith sometime thereafter. A notable Edmontonian in his own right, Claude, “left his home as a boy on a sailing ship. His experiences took him on ships into the Antarctic regions before coming to Canada… In Edmonton he became well known in the painting and home decorating business and was secretary of the Painters’ and Decorators’ Union.”88
By 1927, Louise, Claude, and their children were living in a modest bungalow in Edmonton’s Ritchie neighbourhood at 9855 75th Avenue.89 The pre-war real estate crash had handicapped the community’s growth, and religious services—like everything in Ritchie—were few-and-far between. That year’s Henderson’s Directory listed all but two churches in the immediate vicinity. One, Trinity Lutheran, was a German-language parish, and the other, Richmond Park United, soon shuttered.
Dane Ryksen: I think that that deep sense of religiosity that was instilled in her pretty young age, kind of led her to be outgoing and trying to establish some kind of church service for, like, we were saying, like an area that just had basically nothing. And yeah, they're like, I had mentioned, there was the one Lutheran Church already, but it was a German language.
Louise, who had fond childhood memories of Sunday School at First Baptist Church, became determined to offer a Lutheran equivalent for her southside neighbours. She pestered clergy and the local Lutheran Synod alike until 1928, when she “suggested to visiting ministers and to a missions committee that an abandoned Methodist church near Ritchie School be bought for a Lutheran Sunday school.”90
The proposal sparked some interest, but the Lutheran establishment wasn’t wholly convinced of its viability. Louise didn’t back down, however, and the Church ultimately agreed on one condition: she conduct a pilot test at her own expense. “A trial Sunday school was held in the Ritchie School hall to see how many children would attend,” the Edmonton Journal later recalled. “About 75 children came.
As a result the Sunday school was established,”91 with Reverend H.J. Boettecher of Grace Lutheran Church acting as facility director and Mrs. Sievers as its primary instructor. Regular attendance rose to 100 children over the year, and 160 during the Christmas season.92 True to their word, the Synod purchased the old Richmond Park United building at 97th Street and 74th Avenue in 192993 for the newly named “Richmond Park Bible School.” Following renovations, it opened on November 17th.94
Beginning in 1931, Louise and Reverend Boettcher established semi-regular Sunday services in hopes of attracting the parents of the school’s students. Initially, only three families attended these small meetings, but their numbers slowly grew over time. Owing to the congregation’s transient nature, however, the Lutheran Synod granted them nothing more than “mission”95 status. Be that as it may, Reverend Boettcher and Grace Lutheran Church did everything in their power to foster its success. Reverend Boettcher, who pulled double-duty as pastor for both, frequently organized joint-activities and picnics involving the congregations, Sunday schools, and ladies auxiliaries from both.96
Those early days were particularly hard for Ritchie’s Lutherans, as the Journal once explained:
Since the church had no basement… the chairs would be icy to the touch, even though [Louise’s] son, Walter, fired up the pot-bellied stove at 7 a.m. [...] Set directly in the middle of the room, the stove’s long black pipe was suspended over the altar and passed through the wall. [...] The minister who played the organ found the keys so cold they made his fingers stiff.97
Somehow the congregation—then under the name “Richmond Park Lutheran Mission”—managed to beat the odds, and Reverend Boettecher hired “noted church worker” William Kruger to take over parish management in 1936.98 The following year, Richmond Park reported an “impressive Christmas observance” of seventy-five individuals.99 Vicar Enders and Professors Guebert and Herreilers of the Lutheran-run Concordia College were subsequently hired to provide further assistance, and this group managed to have the parish recognized as a proper “church” in 1939.100
The Second World War failed to dampen Richmond Park’s expansion. It did, however, lead to a shortage of Sunday school teachers—Louise remembered having to recruit her two oldest sons “to the ranks immediately after they were confirmed.”101 A post-war boom resulted in further growth, and in 1948 the church hired its first resident pastor, Reverend D.C. Preisinger. The following year the congregation changed its name to Redeemer Lutheran.
By that point, the parish’s building was over thirty-five years old, so church officials organized a building committee to gather funds and draft plans. By the Summer of 1953, they had raised enough money to proceed and, on August 9th, held a sod-turning ceremony for their new church building.102 The City of Edmonton issued Redeemer Lutheran a building permit worth $23,000.103
Construction work began in earnest that September—congregation members donated their time and labour to help keep costs to a minimum.104 Foundation work was completed by New Years, and a well-attended cornerstone-laying ceremony followed on March 14th, 1954. The Journal recalled:
In describing the cornerstone, Rev. W.A. Rumsch, pastor of the church, stated the stone sets the true line in a building as Christ sets the true line in our lives, without Christ everything fails. The stone is inscribed with a Latin motto which translates into ‘To the Glory of God Alone.’ [...]105
Redeemer Lutheran’s new building opened to parishioners on May 30th of that year. Dedication festivities began at 11:00 A.M., with Reverend Eifert officiating. A sermon followed, conducted by Grace Lutheran’s Reverend Martin J. Beaur, as a symbolic link to those two churches’ shared heritage.106 Around that time, Louise Sievers, who was still active within the church’s management and Sunday school, retired. She remained Redeemer’s part-time archivist until her death on September 20th, 1964.107 As for the church building itself, Redeemer Lutheran is the work of stalwart Edmonton architectural firm Blakey, Blakey & Ascher.
Founded in 1945 by brothers Richard Palin Blakey and William George Blakey, the firm was built off of two storied legacies. The elder, Richard, came to Canada first. Drawn by the prospects of Alberta, he left his native England in 1907. As a professionally trained draftsman, he received an appointment to the Provincial Public Works Department and soon became Chief Provincial Architect. During his twelve-year tenure, he was responsible for designing the south-wing, rotunda, and staircase of the Legislature Building, Glenora’s Government House, a dozen provincial courthouses and telephone exchanges, and a standardized plan for the ubiquitous one-room schoolhouse used province-wide.108
The younger, William, followed his brother in 1908. Unlike Richard, he went into private practice and in time, built a stellar reputation. Both the Edmonton Journal and Free Masons were clients, and he designed the local headquarters for both. It’s his later work for Suburban Theaters Ltd., and his plan for the Garneau Theatre specifically that showcased his true prowess for modern design trends. Another modern tour-de-force is his 1946 private Glenora residence, located at 13526 101st Avenue.109
George Rudolph Ascher, a young German immigrant, joined Blakey & Blakey in 1949. A talented man, “Mr. Ascher was educated in France, England, and Italy before coming to Canada in 1939. He attended the University of Manitoba and graduated with a B.Sc. degree in architecture in 1945.” As both Blakeys were nearing their 70s by the time he joined the firm, he became the dominant partner; its name changed to “Blakey, Blakey & Ascher” to reflect that.110
Prior to their work on Redeemer Lutheran, the three had taken on several noteworthy church projects for the local Catholic archdiocese. Previous to this was St. Anthony’s Pro-Cathedral at 10661 Whyte Avenue and St. Patrick’s at 11809 96th Street. St. Andrew’s at 12810 111th Avenue was a direct contemporary to Redeemer.
Examining these designs reveals the firm’s masterful handling of its three architect’s respective sensibilities: William and Rudolf’s modernism and Richard’s classicalism. Together they became renowned for practical, thoughtful designs rooted as much in the past as the future. Traditional materials and motifs often clash with modern forms; “a device,” local architect Tai Ziola contends, “used by the church organizations themselves to create a renewed image of a less hierarchical and more welcoming institution.” In effect, this allowed churches and their parishes to rebrand “themselves into the secular look of the day and [to reach] out to young families with modern attitudes.”111
The Journal described Redeemer as a “contemporary design,” and it’s not hard to see why. This church reflects a turning point in architecture more broadly, where traditionalist design elements became supplanted by Modernist ones.
The only component of Redeemer that recalls the past is its material use and remarkably stripped-down bell tower. “The high walls, flat roof and slender tower” are features the Journal explicitly cited as proof of its remarkably modern and “unusually graceful appearance.”112
—————————————————————————————————————
Throughout the twentieth century, communities around Ritchie have been housed and shaped by the structures that formed the built landscape. Tethering the three settler community stories shared in this episode is a thread of interpersonal and structural response to upheaval. Stories of transition like those of Ross Acreage, the Wartime Housing homes, and Redeemer Lutheran are but a small reflection of the multitude of histories represented by the neighbourhood’s buildings. Beyond the community transformations reflected in Ritchie’s housing, the community members of Ritchie’s Redeemer Lutheran Church were fundamental in shaping this building to become a space that reflected the transitions and values of its broader community.
In the neighbourhood’s recent history, community reactions influenced a structural response to upheaval experienced by unhoused members of Ritchie’s community. In November 2020, the Mustard Seed opened a temporary shelter in the vacant Cessco Fabrication and Engineering Ltd. warehouse, located on 75 Avenue near 99 Street. The space was intended to “accommodate about 120 people and provide them with food, showers, washrooms and day programming, as well as services such as housing supports and employment coaches.”113 These services were a response to the high level of need that people were experiencing, particularly because “the number of people identifying as homeless doubled from the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic,” with almost 1,300 individuals relying on homeless shelters or sleeping outdoors.114
The Mustard Seed’s Cessco shelter was inspired by the high number of houseless community members and demonstration camps earlier in 2020, like Camp Pekiwewin in Rossdale and the Peace Camp in Old Strathcona. This proposal then ignited discussions among Ritchie’s housed community members, which led to the League becoming involved as a supporter of the project.115 In a statement released on November 16th, 2020, the League vocalized its support for the temporary shelter and spoke to the visibility of the contemporary housing crisis: “In Ritchie, the effects of this crisis can be seen with the crowds seeking shelter each night at Trinity Lutheran Church or the encampments scattered throughout Mill Creek Ravine.”116
The League goes on to state,
There is no doubt that the homelessness crisis has impacted Ritchie, its members, and broader community members, which includes those accessing The Mustard Seed’s services and programming. At this unique moment in time, the RCL considers it to be important to come together as a community to help those most vulnerable. For this reason, the RCL supports the temporary shelter, which is a short-term initiative to address the homelessness crisis that is gripping Edmonton. Without the temporary shelter, individuals in need will have nowhere else to go and remain in the ravine encampments and on the streets, facing significant risks to their health as the pandemic and winter progress.117
Ritchie’s league is not the only one to have similarly become involved with discussions surrounding support for houseless community members. More recently, the Edmonton Federation of Community Leagues published an open letter as a call for more action by both provincial and city governments, as well as increased services for Edmontonians with complex needs.118 Other community leagues have hosted “naloxone training, mental health first-aid training, and [set] up groups to discuss what they can do to increase safety in their neighbourhoods.”
In addition to these actions, the EFCL acknowledged the role of physical homes and structures of community, “we know that until people have a place to call home and the resources to keep them in place, they won’t be able to connect or engage in the wider community. [...] Housing is key, shelter is not enough.”119
Thank you for tuning in to this episode of A Little Bit Ritchie. If you enjoyed this episode, please give us a rating and a review! A Little Bit Ritchie is brought to you by the Ritchie Community League Centennial Celebration Committee. Erin Fraser and Seghan MacDonald chair the committee. This episode was researched by Linnea Bell and written by Elyse Colville and Linnea Bell. Special thanks to Dane Ryksen, who wrote and researched the section of this episode about Redeemer Lutheran Church. A Little Bit Ritchie is edited by Castria Communications and Media Solutions. This project is supported by the Edmonton Heritage Council and the City of Edmonton. Thank you to Tierra Connor for creating our artwork.
To see photos of the locations and people mentioned in this episode, detailed show notes, a transcription, and references for this episode, visit the link in our description.
Join us on the next episode of A Little Bit Ritchie, where we’ll take you on a tour of the neighbourhood and recount the people, places, and history that have defined the community.
Thanks again for tuning in to this episode of A Little Bit Ritchie. I’m Lydia Neufeld.
Endnotes
1. "Demands Action on War Housing," Edmonton Journal, 1945 May 29, 16.
2. Haeden Eli Stewart, “In the Shadow of Industry: The Lively Decay of Mill Creek Ravine.” PhD diss., The University of Chicago, 2019, 88.
3. Stewart, “In the Shadow of Industry,” 88.
4. Stewart, “In the Shadow of Industry,” 88.
5. Stewart, “In the Shadow of Industry,” 76-77.
6. Stewart, “In the Shadow of Industry,” 83.
7. Stewart, “In the Shadow of Industry,” 98.
8. Stewart, “In the Shadow of Industry,” 109.
9. Stewart, “In the Shadow of Industry,” 76-77.
10. Stewart, “In the Shadow of Industry,” 76-77.
11. Stewart, “In the Shadow of Industry,” 104.
12. City of Edmonton, "Population History," City of Edmonton, Accessed 2022 Dec. 9, https://www.edmonton.ca/city_government/facts_figures/population-history.
13. Stewart, “In the Shadow of Industry,” 104.
14. Stewart, “In the Shadow of Industry,” 109.
15. “Report of the Dr. T. H. Whitelaw, Medical Health Officer. Re: Ross Acreage & Spruce Centre,” 1929 Mar. 15, RG-11 7.3, Box 7 file 70, Office of the City Commissioner fonds, City of Edmonton Archives, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada.
16. “Report of the Dr. T. H. Whitelaw, Medical Health Officer. Re: Ross Acreage & Spruce Centre.”
17. Stewart, “In the Shadow of Industry,” 104.
18. Stewart, “In the Shadow of Industry,” 104 and 88.
19. Stewart, “In the Shadow of Industry,” 104.
20. Stewart, “In the Shadow of Industry,” 110-111.
21. Stewart, “In the Shadow of Industry,” 110-111.
22. Stewart, “In the Shadow of Industry,” 110-111.
23. Stewart, “In the Shadow of Industry,” 83.
24. Stewart, “In the Shadow of Industry,” 83-84.
25. Stewart, “In the Shadow of Industry,” 83-84.
26. John C. Bacher, “Keeping to the Private Market: The Evolution of Canadian Housing Policy: 1900 - 1949,” PhD diss., (McMaster University, 1985), 283.
27. Bacher, “Keeping to the Private Market,” 283.
28. "House Shortage Is Big Problem in Dominion, The Edmonton Bulletin, 1942 May 16, 9.
29. "Sixty Persons Seeking Aid with Housing," The Edmonton Bulletin, 1942 Sept. 21, 2.
30. "Sixty Persons Seeking Aid with Housing," 2.
31. "Committees to Aid Housing Proposed," Edmonton Journal, 1942 July 16, 2.
32. “City Receives Second Rebuff Housing Plan,” The Edmonton Bulletin, 1942 Dec. 17, 13.
33. "Ottawa to Build Some Houses in Crowded Areas Generally," Edmonton Journal 1942 July 30, 1.
34. Catherine Jill Wade, “Wartime Housing Limited, 1941 - 1947; Canadian Housing Policy at the Crossroads,” MA thesis, The University of British Columbia, 1984, 49.
35. "Ottawa to Build Some Houses in Crowded Areas Generally," Edmonton Journal 1942 July 30, 1.
36. Bacher, “Keeping to the Private Market,” 16.
37. "Ottawa to Build Some Residences," Edmonton Journal, 1942 July 30, 2.
38. "Gov't Company to Solve Housing Shortage," The Ottawa Journal, 1941 Mar. 1, 3.
39. Wade, “Wartime Housing Limited, 1941 – 1947,” 1.
40. "Post-Scripts," National Post, 1941 Mar. 8, 6.
41. "House Shortage Is Big Problem in Dominion, The Edmonton Bulletin, 1942 May 16, 9.
42. "Will Erect Only Low Cost Houses," Calgary Herald, 1941 Apr. 24, 3.
43. Bacher, “Keeping to the Private Market,” 288.
44. "Fair Wartime Housing Scheme for Soldiers Demanded," The Edmonton Bulletin, 1942 May 20, 2.
45. Wade, “Wartime Housing Limited, 1941 – 1947,” 94.
46. Wade, “Wartime Housing Limited, 1941 – 1947,” 96-97.
47. "Fair Wartime Housing Scheme for Soldiers Demanded," 2.
48. "Housing Hope for City Seen," Edmonton Journal, 1942 July 3, 1.
49. "New Bureau to Give Help in Home Problem," The Edmonton Bulletin, 1942 Sept. 26, 13.
50. "Action is Sought to Ease City House Shortage," The Edmonton Bulletin, 1942 Sept. 6, 16.
51. "Housing Reply in Two Weeks," Edmonton Journal, 1942 Oct. 8, 1.
52. "Seek Reduced Interest Rate on City Bonds," The Edmonton Bulletin, 1942 Sept. 15, 16.
53. "Housing Hope for City Seen," 1.
54. "City Presents Fresh Appeal For Federal Housing Help," Edmonton Journal, 1942 Nov. 24, 9.
55. Mayor John W. Fry to Allen M. Nelson, Correspondence, 1944 Apr. 12, RG-11-8, Box 1, File 14, City of Edmonton Archives, Edmonton, AB.
56. John W. Fry to Aldermen, “Re: – Edmonton Emergency Housing Situation,” 1945 Feb. 23, RG-11-8, Box 1, File 16, City of Edmonton Archives, Edmonton, AB.
57. T. E. Garside to Thomas Gray, “Re. Edmonton Project No. 5,” 1945 July 14, RG-11-8, Box 1, File 18, City of Edmonton Archives, Edmonton, AB.
58. John W. Fry to Aldermen, “Re: – Edmonton Emergency Housing Situation,” 1945 Feb. 23.
59. Motion in Council, n.d. RG-11-8, Box 1, File 16, City of Edmonton Archives, Edmonton, AB.
60. Mayor John W. Fry to Hon. James A. MacKinnon, “Re: Location Proposed Wartime Houses,” 1945 Mar. 19, RG-11-8, Box 1, File 16, City of Edmonton Archives, Edmonton, AB.
61. Assessor & Tax Collector office to City Commissioners, “re: Wartime Housing Project No. 5 – Ritchie District”, 1946 Aug. 8, RG-11-3, Box 6, File 121, City of Edmonton Archives, Edmonton, AB.
62. A. Storm to His Worship the Mayor, and City Commissioners, Correspondence, 1945 Mar. 29, RG-11-8, Box 1, File 16, City of Edmonton Archives, Edmonton, AB.
63. A. Storm to His Worship the Mayor, and City Commissioners, Correspondence, 1945 Mar. 29.
64. John W. Fry to A. Storm, Correspondence, 1945 Apr. 3, RG-11-8, Box 1, File 16, City of Edmonton Archives, Edmonton AB.
65. Correspondence from J. Hodgson to W. A. C. Bowron, 1945 Mar. 9, RG-11-8 Box 1, File 16, City of Edmonton Archives, Edmonton, AB.
66. “5. Wartime Housing Limited – Ritchie District – Decision of Council,” 1945 May 14, RG-11-8, Box 1, File 17, City of Edmonton Archives, Edmonton, AB.
67. Thomas Gray to Mayor John W. Fry, “Re: Edmonton #5,” 1945 July 31, RG-11-8, Box 1, File 18, City of Edmonton Archives, Edmonton, AB.
68. "Ritchie League Wants Basements," Edmonton Bulletin, 1945 Mar. 30, 15.
69. "Want War Homes Have Basements," Edmonton Journal, 1945 Mar. 30, 11.
70. "Full Basements for Houses Are Asked by Labor Council," Edmonton Journal, 1945 Apr. 3, 12.
71. T. E. Garside to Thomas Gray, “Re. Edmonton Project No. 5,” 1945 July 14, RG-11-8, Box 1, File 18, City of Edmonton Archives, Edmonton, AB.
72. "Full Basements for Houses Are Asked by Labor Council," 12.
73. RG-11-8, Box 1, File 17, City of Edmonton Archives, Edmonton, AB.
74. "Demands Action on War Housing," Edmonton Journal, 1945 May 29, 16.
75. "Full Basements for Houses Are Asked by Labor Council," 12.
76. "Demands Action on War Housing," Edmonton Journal, 1945 May 29, 16.
77. "Demands Action on War Housing," 16.
78. RG-11-8, Box 1, File 17, City of Edmonton Archives, Edmonton, AB.
79. "Ritchie League To Elect Monday," Edmonton Journal, 1945 Oct. 18, 13.
80. “To Let Contract - City Promised More Houses Mayor States,” The Edmonton Bulletin, 1945 Aug. 20, 1.
81. “City’s Population 114,976; One-Year Increase is 3,231,” The Edmonton Bulletin, 1946 July 8, 1.
82. “May Drop Apartment Plan; City Refuses Concessions,” Edmonton Journal, 1946 Sept. 10, 9.
83. RG-11-8, Box 1, File 19, City of Edmonton Archives, Edmonton, AB; “Home Permits at $7,005,625,” The Edmonton Bulletin, 1946 Oct. 25, 16; and “Home Building Pace Quickens,” The Edmonton Bulletin, 1947 May 10, 12.
84. Wade, “Wartime Housing Limited, 1941 – 1947,” 1.
85. "Community League News," Edmonton Journal, 1948 Nov. 6, 3.
86. “Mrs. Louise Sievers, 72-Year Resident, Dies,” 1964 Edmonton Journal,1964 September 21, 28.
87. “77 Descendants At Pioneer Family Reunion,” Edmonton Journal, 1952 September 13, 23.
88. “Here Since 1911, C. Sievers Dies,” Edmonton Journal, 1953 September 28, 24.
89. Still Stands at 9855 75th Avenue. A typical one-and-half-storey Craftsman home.
90. Sharon Sutherland, “Pioneer, Historian Of Lutheran Church,” Edmonton Journal, 1960 March 25, 17.
91. Sutherland, “Pioneer, Historian Of Lutheran Church,” 17.
92. Sutherland, “Pioneer, Historian Of Lutheran Church,” 17.
93. “Will Move Church At Highlands Park,” Edmonton Journal, 1929 September 19, 13.
94. “New Building Will Be Used Next Sunday,” Edmonton Bulletin, 1929 November 16, 8.
95. “Redeemer Lutheran Church,” Archives Society of Alberta: Alberta on Record.
96. “Social-Personal,” Edmonton Bulletin, 1934 February 12, 6.
97. Sutherland, “Pioneer, Historian Of Lutheran Church,” 17.
98. “Noted Church Worker Here,” Edmonton Bulletin, 1936 September 19, 12.
99. “Yule Services Held Thursday By Lutherans,” Edmonton Bulletin, 1937 December 24, 2.
100. “Redeemer Lutheran Church (Edmonton, Alberta),” Archives Society of Alberta: Alberta on Record, accessed March 21, 2020, https://albertaonrecord.ca/redeemer-lutheran-church-edmonton-alberta.
101. Sutherland, “Pioneer, Historian Of Lutheran Church,” 17.
102. “First Sod Turned For New Church,” Edmonton Journal, 1953 August 10, 13.
103. “Progress Is Good On Church Building,” Edmonton Journal, 1954 January 30, 6.
104. “First Sod Turned For New Church,” 13.
105. “Lay Cornerstone For New Church,” Edmonton Journal, 1954 March 17, 5.
106. “Redeemer Lutheran Church To Be Dedicated Sunday,” Edmonton Journal, 1954 May 29, 6.
107. “Mrs. Louise Sievers, 72-Year Resident, Dies,” 1964 Edmonton Journal,1964 September 21, 28.
108. “Blakey, Richard,” Biographical Dictionary of Architects in Canada: 1800-1950, accessed September 2, 2022, http://www.dictionaryofarchitectsincanada.org/node/1147
109. “Blakey, William,” Biographical Dictionary of Architects in Canada: 1800-1950, accessed September 2, 2022, http://www.dictionaryofarchitectsincanada.org/node/1148
110. “Architect, G.R. Ascher Dies Tuesday,” Edmonton Journal, 1960 May 11, 53.
111. Tai Ziola, Edmonton’s Sunday Modernism: Modernist Churches in the Post-War Era https://citymuseumedmonton.ca/2016/05/03/edmontons-sunday-modernism-modernist-churches-in-the-post-war-era/ Accessed Jan 23 2019.
112. “Redeemer Lutheran Church To Be Dedicated Sunday,” Edmonton Journal, 1954 May 29, 6.
113. Caley Gibson, “After initial concern, Ritchie Community League puts support behind area homeless shelter,” Global News, 2020 Nov. 17, Updated 2022 Nov. 3, https://globalnews.ca/news/7467841/edmonton-ritchie-community-league-supports-homeless-shelter/
114. Natasha Riebe, “Residents, businesses take aim at Edmonton's approach to homeless camps,” CBC News, 2022 Sept. 19, http://cbc.ca/news/canada/edmonton/residents-businesses-take-aim-at-edmonton-s-approach-to-homeless-camps-1.6586482.
115. Riebe, “Residents, businesses take aim at Edmonton's approach to homeless camps.”
116. Ritchie Community League, “Temporary, 24/7 shelter endorsed by Ritchie Community League,” Ritchie Community League, 2020 Nov. 16, https://www.ritchie-league.com/latest-news/2020/11/16/the-ritchie-community-league-endorses-temporary-247-shelter.
117. Ritchie Community League, “Temporary, 24/7 shelter endorsed by Ritchie Community League.”
118. Jenn Parsonage and Laura Cunningham-Shpeley to Premier Jason Kenney, Minister Josephine Pon, Minster Jason Luan, Minister Jason Copping, Minister Tyler Shandro, Mayor Amarjeet Sohi, and City Manager Andre Corbould, “Call for provincial and city action, and increased services, for people with complex needs in Edmonton,” 2022 Sept. 22, Edmonton Federation of Community Leagues.
119. Parsonage and Cunningham-Shpeley to Premier Kenney, et al., “Call for provincial and city action.”